Shadows of the past and threats of the future: ISIS anxiety among grandchildren of Holocaust survivors
Introduction
The aim of the current study was to examine anxiety of the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIS) in Israeli persons who are grandchildren of Holocaust survivors and a group of comparisons, whose grandparents were not directly exposed to the Holocaust. ISIS anxiety was in focus, as in some respects it reverberates the focal ancestral trauma of the Holocaust, and therefore, can be stronger among some grandchildren of Holocaust survivors. However, as elaborated below, the issue of intergenerational transmission of trauma is heavily debated (Bar-On et al., 1998, Danieli, 1998, Shmotkin et al., 2011, Van IJzendoorn et al., 2003, Kellermann, 2009) and its emergence might depend on additional factors, such as the number of Holocaust survivors in the family and the offspring experiencing their own trauma. Accordingly, we address conditions under which ISIS anxiety may be greater for grandchildren of Holocaust survivors versus comparisons. Demonstrating a heightened sense of anxiety among certain groups of grandchildren of Holocaust survivors can help capture one of the manifestations of intergenerational transmission of the Holocaust, as well as the conditions under which it appears. Below we first address the literature on intergenerational transmission of trauma whilst stressing factors that might affect this issue, followed by an elaboration of current trauma and anxiety of the future ISIS threat.
The issue of intergenerational transmission of Holocaust trauma is disputed even with regard to offspring of Holocaust survivors. While some studies typically have found evidence of intergenerational transmission of trauma (Shrira et al., 2011, Letzter-Pouw et al., 2014), a meta-analysis of 32 samples concluded that trauma does not transmit to the next generation and that generally offspring of Holocaust survivors show resilience (Van IJzendoorn et al., 2003). Yet, it has been noted that when offspring of Holocaust survivors are experiencing their own stress such as war (Solomon et al., 1998) or physical illness (Baider et al., 2006), they display greater psychological distress than comparisons. Holocaust transmission effects are also observed among offspring when one feels a future threat that reverberates the Holocaust (Shrira, 2015). Accordingly, across two samples offspring of Holocaust survivors reported to be more preoccupied with, and more distressed by, the Iranian nuclear threat relative to comparisons (Shrira, 2015).
Even less research exists with regard to grandchildren of Holocaust survivors. Transmission to the third generation may be more diluted, its transmission across the family web more complex and it occurs typically much later after trauma occurrence (Sagi-Schwartz et al., 2008), consequently, its detection may be more challenging. While some suggest that grandchildren of Holocaust survivors are more prone to psychopathology (Zohar et al., 2007, Ullmann et al., 2013) and secondary traumatization symptoms (Giladi and Bell, 2013), others have found no difference between grandchildren of Holocaust survivors and comparisons (e.g., Perlstein and Motta, 2013). It has been noted (Kellermann, 2009) that the emergence of intergenerational transmission might depend on other factors that moderate the relationship between being a descendent of Holocaust survivors and the ensuing transmission. Thus, in line with previous studies on offspring of Holocaust survivors (Solomon et al., 1998; Baider et al., 2006), a putative factor may be the direct stress experienced by grandchildren of Holocaust survivors. Namely, their elevated reaction to threat may depend on these grandchildren experiencing their own stress. Another potential example of such a moderation has been noted by Scharf (2007), who found poorer psychosocial function in grandchildren of Holocaust survivors, where both of their parents had themselves at least one Holocaust survivor parent. In other words, risk for intergenerational transmission was synergic; it was manifest only when both parents were potentially exposed to secondary traumatization (by at least one grandparent each). Psychosocial functioning when only one parent was an offspring was no different than comparisons, where none of the grandparents were Holocaust survivors.
A comprehensive meta-analysis conducted on 13 samples (Sagi-Schwartz et al., 2008) found a null intergenerational transmission effect for grandchildren of Holocaust survivors. While the lack of findings in this meta-analysis might raise serious doubts regarding the existence of intergenerational transmission of Holocaust, one ought to bear two points in mind. First, signs of transmission might have been obscured by collapsing the different sub-groups of grandchildren of Holocaust survivors (i.e., groups with different number of grandparents). Second, as mentioned, the emergence of intergenerational transmission may depend on moderators (Kellermann, 2013), such as, stress experienced directly by subsequent generations (Solomon et al., 1988, Ullmann et al., 2013). Finally, intergenerational transmission may be more likely observed when one's experience reverberates the genocidal aspects of the Holocaust (cf. Shrira, 2015). Thus, whether the gravity of trauma experienced by grandparents does or does not pass to subsequent generations remains an open question. Accordingly, intergenerational transmission may exist among grandchildren of Holocaust survivors, but to detect it, one must take advantage of these aforementioned points and accordingly apply a sensitive design.
In the present study, we address intergenerational transmission in grandchildren of Holocaust survivors by applying three factors. First, we binned the grandchildren of Holocaust survivor participants into groups corresponding to number of grandparents who were Holocaust survivors. We believe that effects will be more readily observed when all four grandparents were Holocaust survivors. Scholars suggested that the number of Holocaust survivors in the family is one possible indicator for the relative magnitude of the intergenerational transmission (Kellermann, 2001, Scharf, 2007). This, more differentiated, approach follows the premise of the dose-response model, according to which the incidence and intensity of distress intensify as the severity of the trauma increases (March 1993, Zoladz and Diamond, 2013).
Second, we expected to see effects only in grandchildren of Holocaust survivors who were experiencing posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms. In the current study, we measured PTSD symptoms resulting from exposure to terrorist attacks. All participants were under the threat of terrorist attacks occurring at the time of the study known as the "Terror Wave," the latest escalation of Israeli-Palestinian conflict, most intensely felt between September 15th, 2015 to April 2016.1 This escalation claimed the lives of tens of Israelis, while wounding over eight hundred in near daily sporadic attacks, such as stabbings, shootings, and vehicle ramming attacks. Significant PTSD and general distress symptoms were observed during the Terror Wave (Ben-Ezra et al., 2016, Hoffman et al., 2016).
Third, our dependent measure was anxiety of a future ISIS threat, a threat that reverberates Holocaust themes in savagery, executions and genocidal tendencies. While ISIS fighters have carried out many attacks across western countries, such as France, Germany and the USA, killing hundreds and wounding thousands,2 the ISIS threat is of a future nature as even these attacks are followed by ISIS-related media threatening that future attacks are on the way. For example, following the 2016 Nice attack, ISIS released a video warning France that more attacks will follow.3 This futuristic aspect is due to the low priority ISIS has currently placed on non-Muslim countries (Byman, 2016). Present anxiety of a future threat is also highlighted by two additional factors. First, it is suspected that thousands of ISIS fighters of western origin are making their way back into their home countries as sleeper agents. Second, ISIS applies social media very skillfully to spread its idea of a future world, where its brand of Islam prevails; this objective being achieved by the waging of a holy war of terror against non-believers to establish the new Chaliphate (Lister, 2015). In Israel, the ISIS future threat is extremely salient, as ISIS fighting and ISIS militia are felt on two out of three of Israel's borders. Furthermore, ISIS has also made direct threats to Israel both in Arabic and in Hebrew, making clear its future aim of destroying Israel (sometimes in Holocaust-related terms such as "slaughter like sheep"4). This genocidal aspect of ISIS was also put into practice, as for example action taken against the Yazidi people. Indeed, this very salient genocidal aspect is the moral foundation underlying western involvement in the fight against ISIS (Ahram, 2015). As mentioned above, this point is important, as Holocaust traumatization effects may be more evident in situations that reverberate Holocaust genocide (Shrira, 2015).
In summary, we address if grandchildren of Holocaust survivors with four grandparent survivors, who also have elevated PTSD symptoms due to the Terror Wave, should display elevated ISIS anxiety relative to all other groups. We hypothesized that the coupling of massive past traumatic background (i.e., having four Holocaust survivor grandparents) along with experienced distress in the present (i.e., having elevated PTSD symptoms) will be associated with increased ISIS anxiety.
Section snippets
Participants and procedure
We used a larger sample of 1007 Jewish Israelis who were in Israel during the 2015-16 Terror Wave. Out of this sample, we identified 241 respondents with four grandparents of European origin who were alive during World War II. We asked respondents to indicate how many of their grandparents were Holocaust survivors (i.e., living under Nazi or pro-Nazi regime during World War II). Out of the abovementioned 241 respondents, 71 had no Holocaust survivor grandparents (comparison group). Twenty six
Results
Table 1 presents descriptive statistics for the study's variables across the study groups. The groups did not differ in exposure to terrorist attacks. When assessing each of the five exposure items, we found that none of the participants was injured, 12.9% reported that one of their relatives or friends was injured, 10.8% reported that one of their relatives or friends was killed, 10.4% reported that they witnessed a terrorist attack, and approximately a quarter of the sample (24.6%) reported
Discussion
This study is innovative in that it addresses intergenerational transmission in grandchildren of Holocaust survivors using a combination of three factors. First, in extension of Scharf's (2007) contribution in treating intergenerational transmission as a synergic effect, we address potential transmission vis-à-vis the sum net of one's ancestral exposure. The number of Holocaust survivors in the family is a relatively crude index of intergenerational transmission, and it does not reflect
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